Standing in the Commons on
Monday, Prime Minster David Cameron was heckled and faced his largest
opposition to date: however, these criticisms came largely not from the
opposite bench, but from those sat behind him.
Debates regarding the British membership
in the EU remain fierce and frantic. Online polls from various websites largely
concur that the British public feel it necessary to call a referendum on the
issue of European Union membership and there is evidence that large swaths of
the voting public are interested in a renegotiation of the terms of membership
at the very least.
The backbench motion was defeated
by 483 votes to 111.
Cameron and the vast majority of
Parliament officials voted against the reformation, after all Tory, Lib Dem and
Labour MPs had been instructed to oppose it.
However, that is far from helping
define the gravity of the issue.
Proposed by a Conservative MP,
David Nutall, the motion was brought forward under the insistence that the vast
majority of those eligible to vote had not had their say on the EU. And he said
the UK Parliament was becoming "ever more impotent" as the
"tentacles" of the European Union "intruded into more and more
areas of national life".
Of course, no government can ever
assume to be possessed of the right of power over an issue to the end of time.
In an almost repetitious manner, the government here are setting up a power by
assumption; they appear to cling to laws that are inherited as definitive of
the current time.
As the circumstances of the world
are constantly changing and we live through a rather volatile and unstable set
of political movements, an act of non-repeal is taken for consent on certain
issues, presumably to ensure some social stability. Voicing the need for change
is the first step.
Yet in the face of this
adversity, the Conservative party imposed a three-line whip on backbench motion
on their representatives. In short, any that voted in favour of the bill and
against the Tory grain were to be forced to leave their posts.
Such almost childish quibbles
should not be the resort of a government not only criticised as fragile, but
who are managing a country through one of the most difficult financial
negotiations of human history. In fact, it ensures Mr Cameron and co have more
a look of a totalitarian state: ignoring public feel and punishing those MPs,
whose job it is to serve their community – ergo, punishing public opinion.
Whilst I do not consider an exit
from Europe a viable move for the UK considering the globalisation of markets and
trade, the methods executed to prevent such an event are hindering progression
in the main.
Asked whether he regretted the
order, Mr Cameron argued, "No I don't: in politics you have to try to
confront the big issues, rather than try to sweep them under the carpet and
that's what we did yesterday.”
All the same, this appears a
rather dubious comment. Considering that his party has a history of infamous
relationships and opinions on Europe (looking back to the Thatcher era), this
defence could be seen as unique. It is arguable that Cameron is sweeping an issue under the rug in
his hard line of action. Instead of allowing an open debate on the issue and
gaining an accurate image of the concerns, there has been elected to power a
leader whose prerogative on this issue seems against free speech.
Although the current timing may
not suit, the motion would certainly give an idea of policies that should be
considered for future governments.
Eurosceptics and members of the
Conservative party alike remain somewhat bemused by the events of the past week
however. Cameron’s public stance since coming to power has been one of a firm
hand with Europe: proclaiming efforts to take back powers from Brussels, this
was not the dedication many had hoped for last May.
Perhaps these restrictions are
more indicative of a wartime government, for we should be under no illusions
that the current stand point is that we are in a war on debt. On a global
scale.
“Every step closer to the exit
sign shakes confidence in the British economy and can hit British jobs.” argued
Nick Clegg after the votes had been announced and there is no doubt a truth in
his proclamation. With downgrading already occurring and forecasts being
realigned, not even the onset of the 2012 Olympic games seems to be aiding a
boost to our economy.
Reforms that are still primary
concerns are said to be on the agenda still, but approached in much more a
softly, softly manner, as Clegg added that “You reform Europe by leading it.”
Nonetheless, with a plethora of
problems melting in the mixing point, the next decade will be one that
continues to produce turbulence across Europe. Angela Merkel, the Chancellor of
Germany, earlier this week predicted the threatening results of a collapse of
the Euro: “let us be under no illusion, another decade of peace in Europe
cannot be an absolute certainty.” she proclaimed to large scoffs.
Extreme or rational? The idea
plays on a great many fundamental truths; if European nations do not pull
together over the current climate of Euro debt, then markets and trade suffer,
amidst increasing demands for consumer items and supplies in an ever growing
world. Add to this countries pulling every which way to suit their own
political aim and not that of the majority, then there quickly establishes a tentative
web of allegiances and political oppositions that mirrors the outbreak of World
War One just a century later.
Merkel’s comments certainly make for interesting
outlooks and should not be skated around.
Cameron need reacquaint himself
with public interest: his rash action is certainly done in the best interest to
economic growth, but forcing a wedge between parliament and the public is one
certain way to have an overspill of riots: and considering continued activism
at St Pauls, planned strikes at the end of November and continued student demos
from the end of last year, the Conservative party is not one with many activist
friends. Now, it alienates its own members in the largest uprising in modern Tory history.